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Kowidow nalapano dzis w Ontario. Kowid oczy strachu wybalusza. Szczepionka wyniesiona na piedestaly, jak wielki Stalin i Mao maly. Ja w bunkrze ukryty z gasmaska na twarzy, wolnosc i swawola mi sie marzy. Ogladam darmowe filmy na YouTubie, a jak juz filmy mnie nudza, to mecze w lozku "Zmore". "Ideologia komunistyczna wychodzila naprzeciw marzeniom sporej czesci spolecznosci zydowskiej, bo socjalizm stanowi znakomity mechanizm sluzacy panowaniu mniejszosci nad wiekszoscia" - STANISLAW MICHALKIEWICZ ("Zmora"). * * * Rosja znow terroryzuje swiat agresja na Ukraine. Swiat zachodni zwany "wolnym" robi w pory ze strachu przed neonazista Putinem.

Hitler jego wzorem, a Mao motorem. * * * Within the U.S. intelligence community was a prevailing view that Agca had been a trigger for a KGB-inspired plot to kill the pontiff. In a paper stamped "Top Secret" and titled "Agca's Attempt to Kill the Pope: The Case for Soviet Involvement," the argument was made that Moscow had come to fear how the pontiff could ignite the flames of Polish nationalism. Already by 1981, Solidarity, the country's workers' movement under the leadership of Lech Walesa, was increasingly flexing its industrial muscles, and the authorities were under mounting pressure from Moscow to curb the union's activities. The pope had urged Walesa to do nothing that would precipitate direct Soviet military intervention. John Paul had urged Poland's dying cardinal, Stefan Wyszynski, to also reassure the country's Communist leaders that the pontiff would not allow Solidarity to overstep the mark. When the union scheduled a general strike, Cardinal Wyszinski prostrated himself before Walesa in his office, grabbed the bemused shipyard worker's trouser leg, and said he would cling on until he died. Walesa called off the strike. In Tel Aviv, Mossad analysts concluded that the pontiff fully understood the importance of appeasing the Soviets over Poland so as to avoid losing the considerable ground Solidarity had achieved. It seemed increasingly unlikely Moscow would have wanted the pope killed. There was still the possibility that the Soviets had subcontracted the assassination to one of its surrogates. In the past, the Bulgarian secret service had caried out similar missions for the KGB when it was necessary to keep its own involvement hidden. But the analysts thought this time it would be unlikely the KGB would have delegated such an important mission. The Bulgarians would never have conducted the assassination of their own volition. Nahum Admoni began to explore the CIA's current involvement with the papacy. In between Casey's regular visits to the pope, an important player in the relationship between the Vatican and the CIA was Cardinal John Krol of Philadelphia, who shuttled between the White House and the Apostolic Palace. To Monsignor John Magee, the pope's English-language secretary, Krol was "the Holy Father's extra-special pal. Both came from a similar background, knew the same Polish songs and stories and could joke across the Pope's dining table in a local Polish dialect. The rest of us just sat there and smiled, not understanding a word." It had been Krol who had accompanied Casey to the CIA director's first audience with John Paul after his convalescence. Later, the cardinal had introduced Casey's deputy, Vernon Walters, to the pontiff. Since then, the list of subjects the CIA officer and the pope discussed ranged from terrorism in the Middle East to the internal politics of the Church and the health of Kremlin leaders. For Richard Allen, a Catholic, who was Ronald Reagan's first national security adviser: "The relationship between the CIA and the pope was one of the great alliances of all time. Reagan had this deep conviction the pope would help him to change the world" (Gordon Thomas, "Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of The Mossad" Seventh Edition, Revised and Updated, Thomas Dunne Books St. Martin's Griffin, New York 2015).